Author: Simon Shuster, Tim; Translation: Deng Tong, Golden Finance

Who did we just elect? At the top of the Republican ballot are two names: Donald Trump and J.D. Vance. But this crazy November has left an impression: others have taken control of our collective destiny.

We have seen him play various roles - the man who acquired Twitter and fired more than half of the staff, the inventor who revived the space program, the auto manufacturer whose new trucks make children stop and stare on sidewalks. Suddenly, Elon Musk entered the political arena, hosting rallies, guiding government appointments, shaping the agenda for the next U.S. president.

For over three years, he has been one of the wealthiest and most powerful people in the world. Markets soar and plummet with his tweets. Astronauts ride in his spacecraft. The military advances with signals from his satellites. Conspiracy theories become mainstream through his embrace. But it is only under the spotlight of these elections that his influence is fully revealed.

Since the era of William Randolph Hearst nearly a century ago, this media tycoon who once fueled Roosevelt's rise has no ordinary citizen has played such a prominent role in American life, now integrating his politics into the power sphere of his will. Standing beside him, even Trump seems almost awestruck, rather than a boss, he is more like a partner, for the challenges of this planet are not big enough for him.

Photo illustration provided by Time magazine (Image source: NurPhoto/Getty Images)

Currently, they are connected as partners by the benefits they trade and their shared desire to disrupt government institutions. They may give orders temporarily with one voice. But their agendas are not aligned on all matters. Both are headstrong, impulsive, and accustomed to control everything. What will happen if they start to clash?

In this battle, Musk may not have the upper hand. Throughout history, there are remnants of supporters who waged wars against their appointed leaders. Regardless of how much wealth or influence Musk has accumulated, the tools of state power will remain in the hands of the president, and things can get chaotic if he decides to use these tools against the billionaires helping him return to the White House.

Ultimately, the durability of their partnership may depend on Musk's motives: what drove him to become a MAGA prophet? If all he wanted was money, then the mission is accomplished.

Due to the frenzy of investors chasing Tesla stocks, his wealth soared by over 50 billion dollars in the week after the election, surpassing 320 billion dollars at its peak. But wealth has never been Musk's obsession. He stakes his fortune on passion projects like building a greenhouse on Mars, which is sufficient to prove that his dreams are different from the ordinary Klingons on the Trump Starship.

People close to Musk say that since founding the rocket company SpaceX in 2002, his ultimate goal has not changed. (Investors in the company include Marc Benioff, owner of Time magazine, and his wife Lynne Benioff.) His favorite T-shirt reads: Occupy Mars. 'It's all for this mission,' a member of Musk's social circle recently discussed with him about his plans. 'He just realized that controlling the U.S. government budget directly or indirectly will get us to Mars in his lifetime. Doing it privately will be slower.'

This does not mean that American taxpayers will foot the bill for Musk's interstellar travel dreams. But when eccentric dreamers are in charge of the government, the public often pays a price. Millions of Americans, from retired factory workers to debt-ridden graduates and newborns, benefit from Musk's promised social programs cuts. Despite Musk tweeting to his 0.205 billion fans daily, he has consistently refused to answer questions from reporters since becoming an advisor to the president-elect, including this time. He has not explained his contacts with American adversaries from China and Russia to Iran. Nor has he resolved the conflicts of interest arising from playing a key role in government investigations of his business.

So far, Trump seems willing to cooperate. In his victory speech on November 6th, he spent four minutes praising Musk, the 'super genius' who helped him campaign on the ground in Pennsylvania, reportedly paying canvassers to knock on 11 million doors and hiring vans to take the Amish to polling stations. 'We have a new star,' Trump cheered on stage in Florida. 'A star is born - Musk!' It wasn't until about 19 minutes into the speech that the president-elect returned to the teleprompter and remembered to thank his voters.

Musk's significance to Trump's campaign team goes far beyond the 0.12 billion dollars he put in, the on-site projects he established, or the social media boost he provided. For many young people flocking to Trump, Musk is an ideal embodiment. He injects originality and possibilities into familiar and nostalgic behaviors. If Trump's promise to dismantle corrupt institutions thrilled his supporters, Musk represents a commitment to creating new things and solving problems. While Trump didn't look that old at the rally, the dark lord playing World of Warcraft jumping around beside him. When Trump's opponents portray his team as a bunch of fools, the era's greatest innovator, with a record of implementing quirky plans, promising to cut 2 trillion dollars in spending, makes it even more difficult for his opponents.

No matter how often Democrats remind us that Trump's wealth comes from inherited wealth, multiple bankruptcies, and decades of corporate mischief, they cannot deny Musk's achievements as a businessman. Even billionaire class agitator Senator Bernie Sanders dodged his criticism in a recent podcast: 'Elon Musk is a very, very ambitious and capable businessman, and his accomplishments are impressive. He says, I can do in a week what the government can't do in five years. In some ways he is right.'

When people's confidence in the government is low, many voters hope to see a capable outsider, cold and independent, who knows how to use a massive machinery to make it more streamlined, faster, and more efficient. Musk's commitment to American bureaucratic institutions has already generated the momentum and cover for cost-cutting on a scale Washington has never seen before. During Trump's first presidential term, this agenda did not make much progress. Millions of people rely on government jobs and the protection provided by regulatory agencies to prevent predatory companies from harming us, such as those that have caused us to abuse opioid drugs and cigarettes to treat asthma. But small-government Republicans would eagerly follow Musk's lead, embroiled in an ugly budget battle over federal waste and bloated welfare. Many Americans will support them.

During the campaign, Musk's most convincing argument was not on Joe Rogan's show or at a Trump rally. It was at the launch pad in Boca Chica, Texas, where Musk's aerospace company used a pair of mechanical arms to catch the returning rocket, leaving the world amazed. If those who support Trump so enthusiastically could do this, can't Trump fulfill some of his promises?

Many voters seem to think so, especially the young men targeted by Musk for his exaggerated claims. 'The most important factor here is that men need to vote,' Musk told Logan on the eve of the election. The next day, when 60% of white men voted for Trump, Musk tweeted, 'The cavalry has arrived.' But his appeal goes far beyond the manosphere. This also touched a large number of voters who are tired of Trump's character but excited about his policies. TV experts say these people need a 'permission structure'; Musk provided that to suburban women like Betsy Stecz. When she lined up to attend his October rally in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, she said, 'Okay, I can hold my head up and say I'm not ashamed to vote for Donald Trump.' In her view, the reason is Musk.

Considering the role he played in this victory, Musk may expect some rewards. But reports suggest that his position during Trump's transition unsettled some followers. For most of November, Musk camped at Mar-a-Lago, balancing cabinet picks and advising Trump on policy priorities. He played golf with the president-elect, sat ringside at a championship fight with him, and posed for photos with the Trump family; a grandson praised Musk as already having 'uncle' status on social media. Musk coined a different term for his position: 'First Partner'.

On November 16, 2024, President-elect Donald Trump, CEO of Tesla and SpaceX Elon Musk, and Little Donald Trump (right) watched UFC 309 at Madison Square Garden in New York. Kena Betancur-AFP/Getty Images

Even such claims are an understatement. Turkish and Ukrainian leaders had Musk listen in on their calls with Trump. According to reports, an Iranian envoy accused of attempting to assassinate Trump met with Musk to discuss easing tensions. (The Iranian Foreign Ministry denied the meeting.) When House Republicans invited Trump to a closed-door meeting on Capitol Hill, Musk followed, with 'GUEST 1' tags on the windows of his car in the Trump motorcade.

At that time, Trump appointed him to lead a new entity called the Department of Government Efficiency. Its abbreviation DOGE is a nod to Musk's comically promoted dog-themed cryptocurrency. But its mission is serious. Trump claimed to 'dismantle' federal bureaucratic institutions and 'reorganize' their structures. 'This will send shockwaves throughout the entire system,' Musk said.

It may also have an impact on Musk's influence on many institutions regulating his work. In the weeks leading up to election day, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration announced an investigation into Tesla's self-driving autos following a crash. In June, California regulators ordered Tesla to 'correct the ongoing air quality violations at its Fremont factory.' Tesla stated that its vehicles are safe and its facilities comply with environmental standards. SpaceX also clashed with the Federal Aviation Administration, with Musk threatening to sue the FAA in September. An opinion piece in the New York Times found that his companies are facing at least 20 regulatory battles and investigations from 'all corners of the government.' Musk and several representatives declined to comment or respond to questions raised in this article by Time magazine, including potential conflicts of interest.

He has not yet explained what principles will guide him in cleaning up bureaucratic institutions. DOGE's joint director Vivek Ramaswamy ran in the previous Republican primary with a pro-business, liberal stance. In contrast, Musk's political leanings are more difficult to ascertain. This summer, he referred to himself as a 'historical moderate Democrat.' He called climate change the defining challenge of our time. When Barack Obama ran for president in 2008, Musk waited in line for six hours to shake his hand.

His relationship with Trump has often been unstable. They have sharply different views on tariffs, and Musk resigned as a White House advisor in less than six months in 2017 over objections to Trump's climate policies. Five years later, Musk said it was time for Trump to 'sunset,' triggering a strong response. Trump said, 'Musk should focus on getting rid of the mess from Twitter because he might owe $44 billion for something that may not be worth anything.'

Trump makes sense. Musk's acquisition of Twitter doesn't have any clear business sense. By 2022, the costs he paid were at least twice the company's value, then spent weeks destroying the company's income sources and utilizing its talent. He stated that under his leadership, the company's workforce decreased from about 8,000 people to around 1,500 people. Some posts he made on the platform (which he renamed 'X') were seen as intermittent self-sabotage. Anti-Semitic theories were called 'true truth.' (He later apologized.) Another shared a conspiracy theory about a hammer attack that led to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's husband being hospitalized with a fractured skull. In response, dozens of companies, including Microsoft and Coca-Cola, removed ads from the platform. 'Don't advertise,' he told them on stage at a meeting last fall. 'If someone wants to blackmail me with advertising, with money, then get lost.' Fidelity Investments evaluated in October that X lost nearly 80% of its value over the past two years.

From the upper left corner clockwise: Mark Seliger photographed for Time magazine, Mark Mahaney photographed for Time magazine, Nigel Buchanan illustrated for Time magazine, Tim O'Brien illustrated for Time magazine

Musk doesn't seem to mind. Even without most of the employees, the platform continues to operate, often ranking as the most downloaded news app in the Apple App Store. Major advertisers have returned. For some observers, all of this is enough to applaud Musk's acquisition as a masterpiece of corporate efficiency. A member of Musk's social circle said, 'What Elon did with Twitter, he came in, cleaned the place up, and now it's running better than before.' 'So people's emotions are that they hope Musk can do the same thing with the U.S. government.'

This is a daunting task. Even fiscal hawks are reluctant about Musk's pledge to cancel $2 trillion in federal spending. This would require cuts to other parts of medical insurance, social security, and the social safety net. Musk warned the nation to prepare for a period of 'temporary difficulty' as these reduction measures take effect. But it is still unclear whether he has the capability to enact them. DOGE will remain outside the government, with no authority to dismiss federal employees. Many budget experts predict that it will, like countless blue ribbon panels, attempt to pressure politicians to cut favored plans but fail. The U.S. Congress does not need help in identifying waste, fraud, and abuse: it already has an oversight body called the Government Accountability Office working to accomplish this task.

Many early fans of DOGE acknowledge the limitations of its potential, but still celebrate it. Andy Kessler, a columnist for The Wall Street Journal, wrote on November 17th, 'Yes, a government efficiency department may be a pipe dream and may eventually become as essential as the silly departments of the Python Flying Circus.' 'But even if Musk's DOGE only trims some fat, saving hundreds of billions of dollars is still worth it.'

During the campaign, Musk often talked about the necessity of the USA. 'Living honestly' and 'living within your means'. But if his social media platform has any guiding significance, his goal may not be related to efficiency, but to ideology. His stated goal of acquiring Twitter aligns with one of his favorite reasons for supporting Trump: he says he wants to save America's freedom of speech. 'Freedom of speech is the foundation of democracy,' he told Joe Rogan on the eve of the election. 'Once you lose freedom of speech, you lose democracy. Game over. That's why I bought Twitter.' Numerous reports and studies conclude that under his management, the platform has become a haven for hate speech and harmful content, in part because he dismissed its content moderation team.

When asked to explain his right-leaning tendencies, Musk often refers to 'the mind virus of work', his term for the left-leaning tendencies in American society. In his view, this left-leaning trend has sparked identity politics, cancel culture, and an alleged rampant online censorship regime. His resentment towards these forces is not merely political. During the pandemic, one of his children sought medical services for gender affirmation, with Musk stating that he was deceived into approving it. His transgender daughter, now 20 years old, has a distant relationship with her father and legally changed her name to Vivian Jenna Wilson in 2022. In a July podcast, Musk said his child 'has died, killed by the awakening virus. I swear to eradicate the mind virus at work thereafter.'

Wilson responded the next day, 'Looking pretty good as a dead bitch.' On November 5th, as the election results became clearer, Wilson posted another message, 'Blame those damn politicians and oligarchs who caused all this to happen,' she wrote. 'Vent your anger at them.'

In ancient Greek, the term 'oligarchy' means 'rule by a few'. Its earliest critic was Aristotle. In the 4th century BC, this philosopher described it as a situation where 'the wealthy rule the government'. In medieval Venice, the leaders of the oligarchic group held lifelong rule, with a title matching the title Musk gave to his new department: Doge.

Elon Musk speaking at a rally for former and then-President Donald Trump. Sasha Lecca - Rolling Stone / Getty Images

The most modern embodiment of this system was in 1990s Russia, when a few businessmen gained control of the national economy during the transition to capitalism. The Russian term for oligarchy is 'semibankirshchina' - the rule of seven bankers.

One of the most powerful ones is Boris Berezovsky, who used his media assets to help Putin win the first election in 2000, hoping that the new president would share the spoils of power. Instead, the two started to argue. The Russian government soon forced Berezovsky into exile and seized his television network. The oligarch went bankrupt and lonely, and died in 2013 in his mansion in the English countryside. Authorities ruled it as a suicide. To this day, his former media channels still convey the Kremlin's messages.

One of Boris Berezovsky's close partners, Alex Goldfarb, now lives in New Jersey, following in the footsteps of Musk and Trump with familiarity and fear. 'It seems that a kleptocracy is taking shape here as well,' he said. 'Under Putin's leadership in the early years, the oligarchs did their best to struggle against the state,' Goldfarb said. 'Here, it seems we have two oligarchs, Musk and Trump, working together to take over the country.'

The outcome may depend on how this new duopoly treats the institutions they are about to control. If the goal is to hone them into leaner, more efficient tools of governance, the public can benefit from reshaping a system long burdened by bureaucratic weaknesses. But Trump also uses these tools just like Putin in Russia – benefiting his friends and sidelining enemies.

Musk could benefit greatly from this arrangement. As long as he plays the role of the 'first partner', he may expect to easily shake off the influence of regulatory bodies appointed by Trump throughout the government. Therefore, his clearest path to Mars could go straight through the oval-shaped office. But besides watching his successful wonders, what benefit can ordinary Americans derive?

Institutions that provide us with medical care, maintain clean water, and educate children should not operate like businesses. They are not built to make a profit, but that does not diminish their value, especially for the most financially vulnerable citizens. If these institutions are eliminated in Musk's drive for efficiency, difficulties will not be temporary for those relying on government support. For them, this pain could be devastating, and Musk's promises for an interstellar future will not help them resolve today's problems.